
REALIST: Whether we are talking about international or national politics, Democrat or Republican Parties or personal politics. The realist assumes nations, parties, and people will act in a manner that will promote their self-interest.
Why is this important to you? It explains why most of our politicians act in such unpredictable ways. Simply put, we don't know their true motivation since they are inherently dishonest.
Let me tell you where my self-interest lies. With the citizens of our country to provide a safe and predictable existence for our families. To create laws that will control our government, and provide opportunity for our future generations.
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The 17th Amendment to the United States (U.S.) Constitution is hereby repealed. The election of United States Senators (SEN) shall return to the several State Legislatures, subject to the procedures and integrity safeguards outlined in this Article.
To eliminate cronyism, the field shall be narrowed by lot:
To maintain the bond between the State and its Federal representation, every United States Senator (SEN) shall participate in formal Advice and Consent hearings.
When the Founders gathered in Philadelphia, they weren't just building a government; they were balancing a scale. On one side was the House of Representatives (HOR), designed to be the “feverish” voice of the people. On the other side was the United States Senate (SEN), the “cooling saucer,” whose primary purpose was to represent the sovereign States themselves.
The original Constitution required State Legislatures to choose their Senators. This served as the “emergency brake” on federal overreach. If the Federal Government (FG) attempted to pass laws that infringed on state authority, Senators—accountable to their State Legislatures—could block them.
In 1913, the 17th Amendment severed this safeguard. By shifting to direct election, the nation didn’t merely “expand democracy”; it fundamentally altered the mechanics of Federalism.
The 17th Amendment emerged as a response to corruption and legislative deadlocks in the early 20th century. While those issues were real, the cure proved worse than the disease. By transforming the Senate into a second, slower House, the Amendment stripped State governments of their only seat at the federal table.
Today, Senators from states like Montana or Tennessee answer not to the people who run those states, but to national political parties and out-of-state donors. Modern Senate races have become $100 million media spectacles. The result is a Federal Government that has grown massive and unchecked, precisely because states no longer have a direct voice capable of saying “no.”
Many current political leaders are products of Cold War (CW) era thinking, when centralized power was viewed as essential for global stability. But the challenges of the 21st century—cybersecurity, land management, water rights, and local economic resilience—require a nimble government that respects local expertise.
The Federalism and Legislative Integrity Act (FLIA) recognizes that the knowledge found in State Legislatures is more relevant to citizens’ daily lives than top-down mandates from Washington (WDC). By requiring Senators to have served at least four years in their State Legislature, the FLIA ensures that Senators understand the states they represent. It replaces “celebrity politicians” with “citizen-statesmen.”
Critics of repealing the 17th Amendment fear a return to “smoke-filled rooms” and partisan gridlock. The FLIA addresses this by establishing a modern, tamper-proof selection process.
This is not a step backward—it is a leap forward. It preserves the Founders’ intent while adding modern safeguards, ensuring that Senators serve as true emissaries of their states rather than products of national political machinery.
State sovereignty is not a relic; it is the cornerstone of a stable Republic. Strong states create a resilient nation. Weak states—reduced to administrative districts of the federal government—create brittleness.
Under the FLIA, Senators once again represent their State’s interests. Through mandatory Advice and Consent hearings, Senators must regularly report to the officials who manage the state’s resources. If a Senator prioritizes national party goals over state needs, the Legislature holds the power of Recall for Cause. This “short leash” ensures the federal government remains a servant of the states.
Washington (WDC) often claims that long-serving Senators are “indispensable” due to seniority. This is a myth. The nation is filled with capable individuals ready to serve. In positions of power, there is always someone prepared to step in.
By restoring the pipeline from State Legislatures to the Senate, the FLIA creates a system of Generational Renewal. It disrupts the “permanent political class” and replaces it with leaders who remain connected to their home districts and the real challenges their neighbors face.
The Federalism and Legislative Integrity Act is one of the most significant structural reforms available to preserve the Republic. It restores a system in which states are co-equal partners in the American experiment.
This reform does not take power away from the people—it moves power closer to them. By empowering State Legislatures to choose Senators who represent the state’s sovereign interests, the United States becomes truly “United,” not merely “Uniform.”
It is time to restore the sentinel. It is time to repeal the 17th Amendment and enact the FLIA.
In 1913, we broke the fundamental machinery of our Republic. By ratifying the 17th Amendment and moving to the direct election of Senators, we didn't just “expand democracy”—we stripped our State governments of their only seat at the federal table.
The Founders designed the United States Senate (SEN) to be the sentinel of state sovereignty. It was intended to serve as the “emergency brake” on federal overreach. Today, that brake is gone. Our Senators no longer answer to the people running our states; they answer to national party bosses and out-of-state donors. A modern Senate race has become a multi-million-dollar beauty contest that ignores the real needs of our local communities.
I am advocating for a Constitutional Amendment to repeal the 17th Amendment and restore the original balance of power. This is not about returning to “smoke-filled rooms.” It is a 21st-century upgrade that requires Senators to have served at least four years in their State Legislature, ensuring they understand our state's needs. Through a tamper-proof selection process and the power of Recall for Cause, we can ensure that our Senators remain accountable to the States rather than their donors.
The risk to our Republic from corruption and crony capitalism is simply too great to ignore. We must return to a system where the states are co-equal partners, not administrative districts of a massive federal bureaucracy. I invite readers to review the full amendment and white paper at MikeforMontana.com. It is time to put the States back in the United States.
Sincerely,
Michael Hummert
Candidate for United States Senate
No person shall be elected to serve in the United States Congress for more than a total of twelve (12) years in their lifetime. This limit shall be the cumulative total of all time served in the United States House of Representatives (HOR) and the United States Senate (SEN) combined.
The term of office for a Member of the United States House of Representatives (HOR) shall be four (4) years. Elections for the House shall be staggered so that one-half of the House is elected every two (2) years.
The term of office for a United States Senator (SEN) shall be four (4) years. Elections for the Senate shall be staggered so that approximately one-half of the Senate is elected every two (2) years.
The American Republic was founded on the principle of the “citizen-legislator”—the idea that individuals would leave their farms, shops, and businesses to serve their neighbors in the nation’s capital for a short season before returning home to live under the very laws they had helped create. Today, that vision has been replaced by a permanent political class. The United States Congress (CONG) has become a career destination, where tenure is measured in decades rather than years, and where the primary objective often shifts from public service to personal and political preservation.
This professionalization of politics has created a massive disconnect between the governed and those who govern, fostering an environment where corruption is not just an anomaly, but a structural reality.
The current structure of the Legislative Branch (LEG) forces a “perpetual campaign” cycle that is detrimental to sound governance. Members of the House of Representatives (HOR), facing election every two years, must begin fundraising for their next term almost immediately after being sworn in. This constant need for capital creates a “pay-to-play” culture where the needs of large donors and special interest groups often overshadow the needs of constituents.
By extending House terms to four years and synchronizing them with a reduced four-year Senate (SEN) term, the Congressional Tenure and Accountability Amendment introduces a much-needed pause in the electoral cycle. This shift allows legislators to focus on long-term policy impacts rather than short-term political optics. It moves the incentive away from perpetual fundraising and back toward genuine legislating.
Corruption in Washington (WDC) is rarely a simple bribe; it is more often a subtle, systemic rot. When a Member of Congress (CONG) remains in office for thirty or forty years, they build deep, impenetrable networks with lobbyists, bureaucrats, and special interest groups. This “Iron Triangle” ensures that the same voices dominate policy discussions while the average citizen’s voice is filtered out.
The twelve-year lifetime limit is the only surgical tool capable of cutting these entrenched ties. By ensuring that no individual can spend a lifetime in the halls of power, the Amendment breaks the “Revolving Door.” When politicians know their time in Washington is limited, they have less incentive to build a monopoly of influence for future personal gain. They are reminded that they are citizens first—individuals who will soon return to private life.
The world is changing faster than ever, yet our legislative body is often led by individuals whose foundational experiences belong to a different century. While experience is valuable, it can also become a barrier to innovation. A permanent political class tends to protect the status quo because they built it.
Term limits ensure a constant influx of “new blood”—individuals with fresh perspectives, modern technical expertise, and a direct connection to today’s economy. By rotating membership in Congress (CONG), we bring in new ideas and energy, ensuring that our laws reflect current realities rather than outdated dogmas. This rotation is not a rejection of wisdom; it is a commitment to a dynamic, responsive government.
In the current system, the power of a vote is often diluted by the weight of incumbency. Through gerrymandering and massive fundraising advantages, career politicians create “safe seats” that are nearly impossible to challenge. This effectively disenfranchises millions of voters who feel their choice is irrelevant because the outcome is predetermined.
Term limits restore a level playing field by ensuring regular, competitive open-seat elections. When incumbents must eventually step down, new voices have a genuine opportunity to compete on the merit of their ideas. This revitalizes democratic competition and forces candidates to earn the trust of their neighbors rather than rely on name recognition and financial dominance.
A common criticism of term limits is the potential loss of institutional knowledge. The Congressional Tenure and Accountability Amendment addresses this through its staggered implementation and “Grace Period” provision. By dividing seats into Section A and Section B classes, the Amendment ensures that half of the experienced members remain while the other half transitions out.
This creates a sustainable mentor–protégé model within Congress (CONG), preserving essential expertise while still enforcing the twelve-year limit. It is an orderly exit from the era of the career politician and a structured return to the era of the citizen-legislator.
The Congressional Tenure and Accountability Amendment is a declaration that the government belongs to the people, not the politicians. It is a structural solution to a structural crisis. By ending lifetime service, we dismantle the machinery of corruption, silence the perpetual campaign, and ensure that those who make our laws must eventually live under them as ordinary citizens.
This is not merely about changing the faces in Washington (WDC); it is about changing the culture of power. It restores the humility, urgency, and accountability that the Founders intended for our Republic. It is time to break the permanent political class and return sovereignty to its rightful owners: the American People.
The American Republic was founded on the principle of the “citizen-legislator”—the idea that individuals serve their neighbors for a season and then return home to live under the laws they helped create. Today, that vision has been replaced by a permanent political class in Washington (WDC), where tenure is measured in decades and public service has become a lifelong career of power and fundraising.
I am proposing the Congressional Tenure and Accountability Amendment to break this cycle. This is a structural reset that establishes a twelve-year lifetime limit for all members of Congress (CONG), whether they serve in the House or the Senate. By extending House terms to four years and synchronizing them with the Senate, we end the “permanent campaign” and the nonstop pursuit of donor cash that fuels corruption.
This amendment is not about discarding experience; it uses a staggered “Class A and B” system to ensure an orderly transition while continually bringing in the “new blood” and fresh ideas our country desperately needs. It forces our leaders to remember that they are, first and foremost, citizens.
This is not a perfect document yet; it must go through the rigors of Congress. I am simply letting you know, as a candidate, that this is what I support to move our country forward. I invite every Montanan to review the full amendment and my detailed white paper at MikeforMontana.com. Let us end the era of career politicians and return the sovereignty of this nation to the American People.
Sincerely,
Michael Hummert
Candidate for United States Senate
This Article shall apply exclusively to elections for the United States House of Representatives, the United States Senate, the President of the United States, and the Vice President of the United States, hereinafter referred to as “Federal Elections.”
The People’s Priority: Congress shall act in a strictly non-partisan manner with an unwavering commitment to fairness for all candidates and citizens. Its sole authority to regulate Federal Elections is for the purpose of ensuring that the voice of the individual citizen remains the primary concern and is not overshadowed by aggregated wealth or foreign advantage.
Oversight and Enforcement: It is the sole responsibility of Congress to ensure oversight of the Department of Justice (DOJ) for the continual and rigorous enforcement of election laws. Such enforcement must be non-partisan to ensure a well-informed and legally established voter base.
To restore the sovereignty of the individual citizen over the political process:
To verify the eligibility of the electorate and protect the “one person, one vote” principle:
All Federal Elections shall utilize a “Trust but Verify” system using contemporary technology:
The American experiment relies upon a single, fragile foundation: the consent of the governed. Today, that consent is fractured. Whether through the perceived influence of “dark money,” the complexity of modern election logistics, or the ambiguity surrounding the citizenship of the electorate, the American voter increasingly feels like a spectator in their own democracy.
To restore the Republic, we must move beyond temporary legislative fixes and establish a permanent, constitutional framework that secures the vote, protects the voice of the individual, and clarifies the boundaries of representation. This proposed Amendment serves as that framework—a comprehensive structural reset designed to return power to the individual citizen.
Central to this proposal is the clear separation of Federal and State election authority. By focusing exclusively on Federal offices—the House, Senate, and Presidency—the Amendment respects the constitutional sovereignty of the States while ensuring that those sent to the nation’s capital are elected under a unified, high-security standard.
This authority is not a blank check for partisan gain. By mandating that Congress and the Department of Justice act in a strictly non-partisan manner, the Amendment removes the “weaponization” of election law. Oversight becomes a neutral guardian of the process, ensuring fairness to all candidates and placing the integrity of the system above the victory of any faction.
The modern political landscape has been distorted by the legal fiction that artificial entities possess the same constitutional rights as citizens. This Amendment corrects that by explicitly stating that corporations and labor unions are not “persons.” By decoupling “money” from “speech,” campaign spending is redefined as commerce—a medium that can be regulated to prevent the drowning out of the individual’s voice.
This is not a restriction on speech, but a protection of it. It ensures that a citizen’s vote and voice carry equal weight regardless of wealth. It ends the era of the “corporate overlord” and restores the “Individual Citizen” as the sole unit of political power.
Voter trust cannot be restored by rhetoric alone; it requires a physical and technological “lock and key.” By establishing a National Election Integrity Card (NEIC) with evidentiary standards equal to a U.S. Passport, the Amendment removes ambiguity about who is entitled to vote.
Security continues at the ballot box. Encrypted voter-matching codes paired with serialized paper ballots create a verifiable audit trail resistant to digital tampering. Mandatory watermarks for mail-in and drop-box ballots address the unique vulnerabilities of remote voting. In all cases, the physical paper ballot remains the final legal authority.
A secure vote is meaningless if the voter is not informed. The “Digital Public Square” and the “Public Awareness Mandate” transform the government into an active facilitator of an informed electorate. By providing a free, equal-access platform for all qualified candidates, the Amendment breaks the media monopoly on political discourse.
The automated “Right of Rebuttal” ensures political communication becomes a dialogue rather than a series of unchallenged attacks. Combined with mandatory federal advertising directing citizens to this platform, the system ensures that ideas—not ad budgets—determine the winner.
One of the most innovative aspects of this proposal is the Federal Campaign Equity Formula. It acknowledges the physical reality of the American landscape. A one-size-fits-all funding model fails to account for the vast differences between a dense urban district and a sprawling rural state.
By factoring both population and landmass into the federal grant, the formula ensures that every candidate has the practical means to reach their constituents. The “Deduction Rule” prevents the accumulation of massive war chests, ensuring that once the general election begins, every candidate starts from the same financial baseline—accountable only to the taxpayers who funded their grant.
The Amendment secures the very definition of representation. While the Census must remain a tool for understanding the total population, the political power derived from those numbers must be reserved for citizens alone.
This preserves the “Sovereignty of the Citizen” by ensuring that representation is a right shared only by those who are part of the American body politic. It removes any incentive to use non-citizen populations to shift political power, anchoring our democracy firmly in the hands of the American people.
This Amendment is not offered as a panacea, but as a principled starting point. It recognizes that our current system is failing both the people and the principles of the Founders. By securing the identity of the voter, the sanctity of the ballot, and the fairness of the funding, we can begin to rebuild the trust that has been lost.
It is a commitment to a future where elections are sound, leaders are accountable, and the voice of the individual citizen is once again the most powerful force in the land.
To the Editor,
Our Republic is facing a crisis of confidence that cannot be solved by standard partisan bickering. Whether the concern is the influence of “dark money,” the security of our ballots, or the ambiguity of our census, the American voter increasingly feels like a spectator in their own democracy. It is time to move beyond temporary fixes and establish a permanent foundation for our elections.
I am proposing The Amendment for Election Integrity, Security, and Sovereignty. This is not a partisan wish list; it is a structural reset. By explicitly stating that corporations are not people and money is not speech, we can finally return political power to the individual citizen.
Furthermore, we must secure the process. This amendment mandates serialized paper ballots, citizenship verification via a National Election Integrity Card, and a “Digital Public Square” to ensure ideas—not ad budgets—determine our leaders. Crucially, it clarifies that while we count everyone for resources, only U.S. citizens should be counted for representation in Congress.
We need a system where every candidate, whether in the vast landscapes of Montana or the urban centers of California, competes on a level playing field. We must ensure our Department of Justice (DOJ) enforces these laws with strict non-partisanship and fairness for all.
I invite every concerned citizen and legislator to review the full text of this proposal and the supporting white paper at MikeforMontana.com. Let’s stop fighting over the symptoms and finally fix the foundation.
Sincerely,
Michael Hummert
Candidate for United States Senate
No person shall be eligible to be elected or appointed to any office of the United States, nor shall any person continue to serve in any elected, appointed, or employed position within the Federal Government (FG), including in an “Acting” or “Interim” capacity, after attaining the age of seventy-four (74) years.
This Article shall apply to all branches of the Federal Government, specifically:
Prohibition on Shadow Service: The Federal Government is strictly prohibited from entering into contracts or “consulting” agreements for policy, advisory, or leadership services with any individual who has exceeded the age limit set forth in Section 1.
Any individual who attains the age of seventy-four (74) shall conclude their service within two (2) years of their 74th birthday. No extension shall be granted for any reason, including during a declared national emergency. Upon the conclusion of this period, the office or position shall be deemed vacant by operation of law.
Justices or Judges attaining the age of seventy-four (74) shall be moved to “Senior Status.” They may conclude existing cases but are prohibited from hearing new matters. A vacancy for their active seat shall be declared immediately upon their 74th birthday.
This Article shall take effect on the first day of the second year following its ratification.
A Republic is a living organism, and its health depends on a cycle of renewal. For too long, the United States has allowed its most critical positions of power to be held by individuals well into their eighties and nineties. The Presidency, a seat in Congress (CONG), and the Supreme Court (SCOTUS) are high-pressure, grueling jobs that require peak mental and physical performance.
There is a point where the person in the office can no longer meet these demands, and at that point, they become a liability to the country. No one, regardless of past brilliance, is immune to the decline that comes with age. Establishing a clear, constitutional boundary ensures our leaders are always capable of defending the nation.
The decision to set the mandatory retirement age at seventy-four is grounded in data from the National Institute on Aging (NIA), which shows that the risk of cognitive impairment increases sharply after age 75. Studies on “fluid intelligence”—the ability to solve new problems and process information quickly—show a significant decline in the mid-70s.
In an era of cyber-warfare and instantaneous global threats, our leaders must possess peak processing speeds. Relying on individuals statistically at the highest risk for cognitive slowing is a gamble with national security. No one is immune to the passage of time.
A dangerous sentiment in Washington (WDC) is that certain leaders are “indispensable.” This undermines representative democracy. No one is irreplaceable. The strength of our system lies in its institutions, not in the personalities of a few aging individuals.
History shows that whenever a position of power is vacated, capable and talented people step forward. By holding onto power past the age of 74, incumbents suppress the next generation of leaders. Somebody is always waiting to take the position, and that is exactly how a healthy Republic should function.
One of the most critical aspects of the Federal Leadership Age and Competency Amendment is its application to the broader federal workforce. The “permanent government” of career bureaucrats often wields more influence than elected officials. When individuals remain in power for 50 years, they become insulated from the will of the voters.
By enforcing a mandatory retirement age for all federal employees and contractors, the Amendment dismantles entrenched fiefdoms. It closes the “Consultant Loophole,” where an official retires only to be rehired at higher cost. This keeps government dynamic and prevents institutional rot.
We already acknowledge the necessity of age limits in other high-stakes professions. Commercial pilots must retire at 65. High-ranking military officers face mandatory retirement ages. These rules exist because public safety and mission effectiveness outweigh any one person’s desire to continue working.
It is inconsistent to demand peak performance from a pilot while allowing the person with the “nuclear football” or the Justices who interpret our highest laws to serve indefinitely. A universal standard of 74 across the Executive, Legislative, and Judicial branches brings long-overdue common sense to federal leadership.
This amendment is not an attack on age; it is an act of preservation for the Republic. It recognizes that the future belongs to those who will live in it. By establishing a firm end-date for federal service, we ensure that our government is always looking forward, not backward.
We replace the stagnation of a gerontocracy with the energy of a meritocracy. It is time to secure the vitality of our nation by ensuring our leaders are in their prime, not in their twilight. We must have the courage to pass the torch.
To the Editor,
In America, we have mandatory retirement ages for commercial pilots, military officers, and many state judges. We do this because we recognize that certain high-stakes roles require peak mental and physical performance. Yet, we apply no such standard to the individuals holding the “nuclear football,” drafting our federal laws, or sitting on the Supreme Court (SCOTUS).
I am proposing the Federal Leadership Age and Competency Amendment, which establishes a mandatory retirement age of 74 for all federal positions. This includes the President, Congress (CONG), the Judiciary, and the broader federal bureaucracy. While we value experience, we must be honest: these are grueling, high-pressure jobs. There is a point where the person in the office can no longer meet these demands, and at that point, they become a liability to the country. The risk to our Republic is simply too great to endure any longer.
This isn’t about being “anti-senior”; it’s about the reality that no one is irreplaceable. Regardless of how good someone is at their job, there is always a talented leader waiting to take that position—especially when it involves power. By closing the “consultant loophole,” this amendment also prevents retired officials from wielding shadow power indefinitely.
This is a thoughtful proposal of what I support to move our country forward. I invite every citizen to review the full amendment and white paper at MikeforMontana.com. It is time to pass the torch to a new generation.
Sincerely,
Michael Hummert
Candidate for United States Senate
I’m running for the United States Senate because I believe America has a right to remain a nation—sovereign, secure, and financially solvent. It may not be a perfect bill, but it is all inclusive. If you want it to be a perfect bill, it will have to be signed by the President after many people have input. Most candidates speak in slogans. I wrote a 42‑section bill and put my name on it.
The American Sovereignty, Security, and Migration Act of 2026 is the framework for what I’m willing to do: restore control of entry, close executive workarounds, require financial independence for non‑citizens so taxpayers aren’t left holding the bag, protect American wages, and make enforcement simple, uniform, and scalable.
But it’s also something Congress has refused to give the country for decades: consistency. Consistency for the American people, and consistency for the migrant community as well—regardless of which party holds the White House or which political mood is dominating Washington.
A nation cannot function when immigration policy is rewritten every election cycle through loopholes, memos, mass parole programs, selective non‑enforcement, and legal gray zones. This bill is designed to create one enforceable standard that does not swing with politics, and to close loopholes not just for migrants, but for politicians and special interests who have learned how to exploit confusion for power and profit.
A country is more than an economy. It’s a culture. It’s a shared language, shared civic norms, shared expectations of law and behavior, and a shared belief that people are equal under the law—so no one gets to put their thumb on the scale.
It’s the everyday trust that lets neighbors live side by side, lets communities raise children safely, and lets citizens disagree without the country breaking apart. When a nation loses control of entry and enforcement, it doesn’t just lose money—it loses cohesion. It loses the ability to decide what it stands for, and it becomes vulnerable to fragmentation, parallel societies, imported conflict, and the slow erosion of the civic habits that keep a free people free.
America’s culture isn’t about race or ancestry. It’s about rule of law, ordered liberty, personal responsibility, honest work, equal treatment, and loyalty to the Constitution above any foreign government, faction, or ideology. If we don’t protect that, we will eventually discover that prosperity without cohesion is just decay with better branding.
I’m not pretending this bill is perfect. I’m not a legal scholar. But I am doing what Congress refuses to do: put a complete plan on paper, accept accountability for it, and invite the public to scrutinize it.
If we want a serious path to fiscal responsibility—including a balanced budget amendment—then we must stop creating long‑term obligations through short‑sighted policy and political avoidance.
If you want to know what I stand for, don’t listen to a talking point. Read the bill.
—Michael Hummert, Candidate for U.S. Senate

